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Partial Transcription
Quinn enters the historical record with his appointment as a 1st Lieutenant in the 8th North Carolina Continental Regiment on 28 November 1776. The 8th NC was recruited as part of North Carolina’s push to raise regiments as ordered by the Continental Congress in 1776. The regiment was raised in New Bern and Wilmington, suggesting something about Quinn’s location at the time. In the spring of 1777, the 7th, 8th, and 9th regiments joined the North Carolina brigade under Brigadier General Francis Nash and marched north.
They underwent smallpox inoculation at Alexandria, Virginia, and then joined Washington's main army just in time to participate in the 1777 Philadelphia campaign. On 1 August 1777, Quinn was promoted to captain, replacing Edward Ward of Carteret and Onslow County who had resigned.
Quinn took part in the battles of Brandywine on 11 September and Germantown on 4 October 1777. The 8th North Carolina took casualties in both battles, and lost one officer at Brandywine, although Quinn himself escaped unscathed. As a whole, the North Carolina brigade was only slightly engaged at Brandywine, but suffered numerous casualties in the intense fighting at Germantown, where Brigadier General Nash was mortally wounded.
As the Philadelphia campaign closed, Washington's army went into winter quarters at Valley Forge. Along with learning the new drill manual prescribed by Major General Frederick Wilhelm,
Baron Von Steuben, the severely understrength North Carolina brigade was consolidated. By a 28 May 1778 resolution, the nine regiments were consolidated into three. Upon its arrival, the
newly recruited 10th Regiment's men were also assigned to the three standing units. Officers who were now without commands went home, either as retired supernumeraries or resigned. Some officers began recruiting and other duties as needed. In addition to the three replacement and training detachment, standing regiments with Washington's army, a fourth existed on paper as a replacement and training detachment, based in Halifax about 60 miles from Edenton.
The consolidation did not sit well with many officers. In an army where rank and privilege equaled status as a “gentleman,” young men whose only validation to their claim to being a “gentleman” came with army rank, viewed it as an affront to their honor. Quinn may have been one of these individuals. Officially, he was retired from the service on 1 June 1778.
Quinn, however, retained a place as a captain in the 3rd North Carolina according to the orderly book of Sergeant Isaac Rowell. Rowell's book has an undated page listing the regiment’s commissioned and non-commissioned officers that includes Quinn as a captain. By comparing the officers’ promotion and appointment dates, we determined the period from which it dates.
The field officers listed are James Hogan, William Lee Davidson, and Thomas Hogg took command of the 3rd on 1 June 1778. Hogan was promoted to brigadier general on 1 January 1779. Captain Gee Bradley was promoted to that rank on 13 September 1778. Lieutenant John Granberry resigned on 10 November 1778 and is not on the list. This means that the document dates from somewhere between November 1778 and January 1779.
Another piece of evidence linking Quinn to the 3rd is that one of his old 8th North Carolina privates, Benjamin Simmons, became a sergeant in 3rd North Carolina on 31 October 1779, and still listed his commander as Quinn. One name missing from the document. Lieutenant William Linton, should be included, as he was officially serving in the 3rd North Carolina at that time. The fact that Linton, who had served with the 3rd North Carolina since 1775, is not on the list offers clues about events in 1781.
Meaning William Linton was Courtmartialed for Capt. Quinn's murder while being held in the Halifax Jail.
The new group of May-June 1779 enlistees joined Quinn’s company. At about that same time, the North Carolina Continental officers with the main army threatened to resign en masse if the General Assembly did not alleviate their distressed situation. The Assembly acted quickly, authorizing them several benefits, including half-pay for life upon retirement and widow’s pensions if an officer died in service.
The majority of the 4th and 5th North Carolina regiments were discharged when their enlistments ran out shortly after Stono Ferry. Quinn and his company apparently were part of a small North Carolina Continental contingent with the Southern Army in the late summer of 1779. According to muster rolls, Quinn received fifty-one May-June 1779 enlistees, replacing the fifty-two July 1778 “nine-months” men who had been discharged in July 1779.
In 1778, North Carolina’s General Assembly responded to British threats in South Carolina and Georgia by authorizing two regiments of “nine-months Continentals.” The 4th and 5th North
Carolina, as they became known, were placed under supernumerary officers left over from the consolidation of the line, but bickering among these officers over seniority resulted in the state being unable to fully officer them. As late as April 1779, some two-dozen officer positions needed filling. As its enlistments ran out, the 3rd North Carolina marched south to recruit, leaving the remainder of the North Carolina brigade camped along the Hudson. Several 3rd North Carolina officers, among them Captain Michael Quinn, took command of companies in the 4th and 5th North Carolina regiments. On 20 June 1779, Quinn commanded a company of the 5th North Carolina in the bloody fighting at Stono Ferry near Charleston.
In October 1779, the Southern Army’s North Carolina Continentals were ordered to take part in the Franco-American assault at Savannah. There is no record of their participation in the fight,
and the muster rolls of Quinn’s company indicate that there may have been a mutiny.
The men had been told upon enlisting that they would only serve in North and South Carolina. Four men deserted in September, including one sergeant. Another five deserted between
October and December, and twelve were “outmustered” in October just before the disastrous 9 October assault on Savannah. Where two additional noncommissioned officers deserted. It is unknown why exactly these men were “outmustered” and it may simply mean that they deserted. Their disposition is recorded in a different handwriting from that listing the October deserters, indicating a different clerk or sergeant made the record, and may have simply not recorded them as outright deserters. Twenty-one fifty-one men left the regiment on their own accord between October and December 1779.
What happened to the others during that period is unknown, but when Quinn resigned
his commission in December 1779, only ten men were left in his company. Quinn's resignation likely reflects his own feelings about the cause of liberty by the close of 1779. Probably a recent
arrival before the war, Quinn had many Free Masonry ties and, despite being an Irishman, may have still held some allegiance, however slim, to the King. He had served for three years, fought in several battles, and probably felt the same animus towards Congress and the General Assembly as did many of his fellow officers. Quinn had been forced to lead a group of men against their will on the Savannah expedition and subsequently lost at least one-half his company to desertion.
He may have felt quite sympathetic towards them, as his orders went completely against promises they had been made. Fed up with a system that he felt did not appreciate him or the men, Quinn resigned.
After his resignation, Quinn disappears from the historical record. Nothing is known concerning his whereabouts in 1780. It is fairly probable that Quinn's outlook on the war was heavily influenced by the 12 May surrender of the majority of the North Carolina Continental Line at Charleston by Benjamin Lincoln. Recall, Lincoln is the same commander who had ordered Quinn to Savannah. Recall that Benedict Arnold's joined the British Army in July. Quinn may have attempted to model himself after Arnold, for by the winter of 1780/81, it is fairly clear that Quinn had moved from disgruntled Continental veteran to Loyalist traitor.
In the spring of 1781, after his pyrrhic victory at Guilford Courthouse, Cornwallis retreated to Wilmington and then began his march towards Virginia to join the British force under General Benedict Arnold, who had invaded the state in March 1781.
From a series of letters between Major General William Phillips and Sir Henry Clinton, the overall British commander in North America, it is obvious that the British had considered a similar invasion in Albemarle Sound. The British could then either extricate Cornwallis, or join him in moving into the North Carolina interior. Furthermore, such an action would deprive the Americans of an important center of privateering.
By 1781, North Carolina had become a haven for these sea raiders, with Beaufort being described as “a rascally little place where privateers are fitted out.” A British fleet comprised of large vessels would have been unable to maneuver in Albemarle Sound as it did in the Chesapeake. Arnold and Phillips had at least four rowing galleys with them in Virginia, and
Admiralty muster rolls show three more were stationed at Wilmington, North Carolina. These shallow-draft vessels would have been integral to the proposed expedition.